الرئيسية » هاني المصري »   15 تموز 2023

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A VICTORY BY DEFAULT
هاني المصري

"The Battle of Jenin's Valor was a victory for the unified resistance on the ground, as demonstrated by the fact that the occupation forces' goals were not achieved," contends Palestinian commentator Hani al-Masri on the independent Palestinian news-portal www.masarat.ps.

The resistance is still present and strong in Jenin camp, and it has gained greater political and popular traction than before. One cause of this victory is that the resistance fighters conducted themselves in a manner that shows they have learned much from past mistakes; they relied on the maneuvering, deception, and hit-and-run tactics of guerrilla warfare.

As usual, we have seen multiple interpretations of the battle. One isolated opinion focuses on losses and refuses to talk about victory, calling what happened another defeat. Some proponents of this view go as far as to claim that this is all part of a conspiracy to topple the PA in the West Bank so as to facilitate the annexation scheme's success and strengthen the de facto authority in the Gaza Strip.

Others exaggerate the victory to the point of claiming that the Battle of Jenin's Valor marks a qualitative, historic turning point or a formative event on par with the [1968] Battle of Karameh, which was a pivotal moment in Palestinian history that ushered in the true rise of the Palestinian revolution led by Fatah.

Others still view the battle for its natural value, without exaggerating or diminishing it. They believe it to be an important development that it is premature to call a critical turning point or a formative event resembling the Battle of Karameh, especially since the current subjective and objective circumstances differ from those of 1968. Back then, there was an ascendant Palestinian leadership led by Yasser Arafat and factions representing the entire political spectrum formed the PLO. There was also a political program and national charter that embodied the unity of the cause, the land, the people, and the historic narrative. The official Arab order, especially Jamal Abdel Nasser's regime, had just tasted the bitterness of defeat, spurring them to support the new Palestinian leadership. The Palestinian revolution was deemed 'the most noble phenomenon produced by history' which was 'created to endure', as Abdel Nasser put it, whereas prior to the defeat of June 1967, he considered the Palestinian revolution to be a fifth column and part of efforts to embroil Egypt and Arabs into a premature war.

In the same vein, the Palestinian revolution found Arab and international support that extended beyond the Soviet-led socialist camp, the Non-Aligned Movement, the forces and parties of the global liberation movement, and revolutionary, progressive, and democratic parties, as well as movements of solidarity in the West and around the world.

In this article, I will focus on the need to build upon the victory achieved in Jenin, as well as in Operation Sword of Jerusalemand the Uprising of Dignity preceding it and all the revolutions, intifadas, uprisings, and waves the conflict has witnessed over time. These victories have proven that no solution based on force, aggression, massacres, and displacement can succeed, and that occupation breeds resistance. The Palestinian phoenix always rises from the ashes, overcoming immense suffering and loss to continue down the path. However, what the resistance has sowed, politics and leaders have failed to reap, instead often squandering the fruits of the resistance's efforts. The time has come to develop a conscious, devoted, and capable leadership capable of sowing and reaping, without which it will be impossible to prevail.

This requires viewing the victory that has been achieved for what it is, without exaggerating it or diminishing it. In short, this victory embodies the weaker party's ability to hold steadfast, thwart the aggressor's objectives, and inflict losses upon it. It does not, however, mean the resistance has achieved its objectives, since it has not liberated any land or stopped settlement expansion, etc. The war is still ongoing, and the occupation will attempt to resume its attacks and aggression time and again to achieve the objectives that eluded it this time. The losses sustained by Jenin camp must also not be diminished.

The most important condition for building upon this victory, lest resistance be only for the sake of resistance, is to establish a broad national goal that the greatest number of Palestinians will rally around. This goal must be achievable in the immediate and medium term, i.e. within a few years. It is not enough for the resistance to promote grand slogans and goals that will take a long time to achieve, for all their importance. It must set and achieve immediate objectives as stepping-stones towards a milestone objective, which in turn leads to the realization of final goals.

I was pleased to hear Hamas leader Saleh al-'Arouri say, 'The Battle of Jenin's Valor has proven that the resistance in the West Bank is capable of expelling the occupation.' I hope that this stance becomes a goal for the Palestinian people, leadership, and forces. They may adopt different programs, but none of them should oppose the end of the occupation under the pretext of 'all or nothing', especially since this goal can be achieved through resistance and various forms of struggle and political action without compromising on goals, fundamental rights, and the historical narrative. Therefore, achieving this goal requires focusing on it, without disregarding, abandoning, or diminishing the importance of other goals such as achieving the right of return or equality and dismantling the apartheid system. This goal can be achieved before tackling the others.

The recent battle in Jenin has proven that if what is happening in Jenin and Nablus are generalized to the rest of the occupied West Bank, it would make sustaining the occupation more and more difficult, and eventually impossible.

The program of ending the occupation first before moving on to achieve national independence and sovereignty relies on the presence of 5.5 million Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as opposed to only one million settlers. It also relies on the fact that Gaza Strip is semi-liberated and boasts resistance capabilities that must be harnessed in pursuit of the Strip's full liberation, since the Israeli forces withdrew from Gazan territory but have retained partial control over it and continue to occupy it through blockade and aggression, which are considered extensions of occupation in international law. The resistance in Gaza has grown in strength, but it remains imprisoned and under blockade. It is called upon to collaborate with the national collective as part of an integrated national partnership that encompasses all Palestinian communities and areas at home and abroad, in a manner that destroys the occupation's ability to exploit the split to its benefit by fomenting conflict between the clashing ruling establishments and striving to propagate the experience by establishing new authorities in the Northern, Southern, and central West Bank.

The resolutions taken by the Israeli government during last Sunday's session in the name of 'strengthening the PA' are incomprehensible. These resolutions stipulate conditions that, if agreed to by the PA, amount to political suicide and complete surrender. If the PA were to accept these conditions, it would become a vassal institution and part of the Israeli security establishment, thereby diminishing the PA's margin of maneuver and ability to side with its people, change its functions, fulfill its obligations, and allocate its budget to serve the national program. It is neither necessary nor required for the PA to be a resistance establishment, because it would inevitably face an Israeli military onslaught seeking to destroy it. However, the PA can be an establishment adjacent to the resistance that primarily focuses on providing services and ensuring the elements of Palestinian steadfastness and popular presence in Palestine. Even if this were to precipitate Israeli aggression that causes its collapse, the Palestinian people would create methods of action and popular institutions capable of meeting their social, economic, and cultural needs, as they did during the first intifada, by coming up with models of economic resistance, alternative education, healthcare, and more.

There are several factors that support the slogan of ending the occupation. First and foremost, our people in general, especially in the West Bank, have constantly resisted and will continue to mount wave after wave of resistance. The wave of resistance witnessed for the past two year or so has been the most robust and enduring, causing the occupation to sustain dozens of casualties, leading to dozens of dead and a multitude more wounded in the occupation's ranks and inflicting significant material and psychological losses upon it.

This slogan is also bolstered by the fact that the UN and various countries with influence over international decisions, including those that inherently support Israel like the U.S., along with states friendly to the Palestinians, pay lip service to ending the occupation without working towards achieving it, and they should not be absolved from responsibility. Moreover, they do not support goals and solutions such as the liberation of Palestine or the one-state solution, especially in the presence of the most hardline government in Israel's history, which is currently dealing with a major internal crisis with repercussions on its international relations, including its relationship with the U.S. Biden's recent critical statements of the Netanyahu government are a testament to this. 

On that note, focusing on the goal of ending the occupation does not clash with other national options, including liberation, a single democratic state, or defending rights, among others. Focusing on this goal does not make it the only valid path in all circumstances, but only at present. If opportunities arise to pursue other options, we should be prepared to seize them.

The goal of ending the occupation is furthered by regional and international changes, most notably the rise of regional powers rivaling Israel, such as Iran and Turkey. The same goes for the successive changes that have transpired in Arab and regional conditions, as manifest in reconciliations between nations and the recent stances of Gulf states. Saudi Arabia in particular has adopted a new policy due to its frustrations with U.S. administrations and changes in the international order marking a shift towards a multipolar system with an interplay of international axes, particularly the East and the West, instead of remaining completely skewed toward the U.S.-led West.

The Palestinians can leverage these changes to their advantage if they meet the necessary requirements. This means abandoning illusions, poor choices, and reliance on others and unknown factors. It also means developing new visions and strategies, forming a unified national leadership and establishment, ending the split, and deferring to the people through regular elections at all levels, whenever and wherever possible. This does not mean that all past and enduring material agreements will end, but the dangers threatening all Palestinians necessitate cooperation, especially in the presence of a Kahanist government that believes it can resolve the conflict in its favor through coercion, without negotiations or compromises, by forcibly imposing the Israeli solution.

The Cairo meeting scheduled for the end of the month may be the last opportunity of its kind, whether or not it rises to the challenges and grave risks at hand.

So far, there are no indications that the old approaches will change, since only the secretaries-general of the Palestinian factions have been invited to the meeting. This is despite the fact that the developments have revealed a plethora of players, movement, and resistance fighters of a new breed on the Palestinian front, not to mention the young people and women in Palestine and abroad that are excluded from national institutions and dialogue and decision-making processes that affect their lives. They must all be given a seat at the discussion table, whose agenda must focus not only on developing a vision and plan to confront the Israeli aggression and scheme, but also on securing the requirements for that. This necessitates changing course and adopting a new trajectory, as well as prioritizing ending the split, restoring unity on a national basis, forming a national unity government without regard for the Quartet's conditions, and rebuilding the PLO's institutions to include the entire spectrum. It also requires holding elections across all jurisdictions and levels, particularly presidential, legislative, and Palestinian National Council (PNC) elections, whenever and wherever possible. Elections should be recognized as a fundamental right and part of the national battle without waiting for a green light from the occupation or being deterred by its or any other party's opposition.

"In the event that elections cannot be held, an interim national accord must be reached based on national, professional, and objective criteria," concludes Masri.

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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