"As Netanyahu sees it, those who do not support the occupation of Rafah do not want Israel to be victorious," remarks Palestinian commentator Hani al-Masri on the independent Palestinian news-portal www.masarat.ps.

He is determined to wage battle on Rafah despite opposition at home and abroad, and not only for the sake of his political survival, since continuing the war allows him to avoid prosecution and defer early elections. He is also bolstered by his right-wing base, the ruling coalition, and the over 40% of Israelis – according to the polls – who prioritize continuing the war over a prisoner swap deal and ceasefire. Furthermore, the recovery of two live Israeli captives, despite the exigencies of the operation, encourages prioritizing the continuation of the war.

The plan to occupy Rafah is hindered by dissent within the government and the military cabinet opposed to prioritizing the continuation of the war, from those who prefer to reach a prisoner swap deal first before resuming the war. Moreover, with 1.4 million civilians, most of them displaced, residing in a 55-square-kilometer area, the battle against Rafah would incur significant casualties, perhaps more than in previous battles – especially since the resistance will fight with all its might in its last stronghold. This will cause significant human losses for Israel, on top of the economic losses that have already led Israel's credit rating to be downgraded for the first time in decades.

It will also aggravate the anger of the families and advocates of the Israeli captives, who have intensified their activism in opposition to continuing the war before a prisoner swap deal is reached. There has also been a resurgence of protests calling to oust Netanyahu and his government and hold early elections.

According to the Wall Street Journal, Egypt warned Hamas that it must reach a deal or Israel will occupy Rafah. Egypt also threatened to suspend its peace treaty with Israel should it proceed with its plan. This has left the Israelis divided over how to respond, with some viewing it as a serious threat that must be taken into account, and others maintaining that Egypt is only bluffing with no real credibility. However, it is certain that the Biden administration takes this threat seriously, because the Egyptian/Israeli peace treaty is the biggest achievement the U.S. has made in the Middle East in decades. The Biden administration attaches great importance to it, given its efforts both before October 7th and since to achieve Israel's integration in the region through the normalization Saudi/Israeli relations as part of a broader plan to counter China's Belt and Road Initiative through the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC).

Washington also believes that the goal of eliminating Hamas – with which it agrees it – will require a long time to achieve, making it possible to resume the war after the prisoner swap deal. However, the lives of the Israeli captives are not guaranteed if the war continues. Over thirty Israeli captives have already perished at the Israeli forces' hands.

Another key consideration is that Ramadan is fast approaching, making it necessary for the battle of Rafah to be completed before then out of concern for heightened tensions during the month. The White House administration has expressed this concern and Netanyahu has claimed to be keen to avoid it. Ramadan will be at the doors in about a month, and the battle of Khan Younis is not yet over. So how can Rafah be evacuated of refugees before then, and where will they go? And how can the armed resistance factions be eliminated within a few weeks? Northern Gaza has been destroyed, and the occupation forces want to establish buffer zones spanning tens of kilometers there without allowing most of the displaced residents to return. Therefore, the door remains open to migration to Sinai, which is an Egyptian red line. However, the failure to address the issue through an agreement before it's too late, especially regarding the Salaheddine Route, may have grave repercussions on Egyptian/Israeli relations. Still, the Egyptian, Jordanian, Arab, Muslim, and international red line should not be limited to preventing forced displacement to Sinai, but should also extend to ending the genocidal war, the daily slaughter of hundreds, starvation to death, the spread of disease, the collective punishment and torture of prisoners, and the field executions. The noble people of Gaza are living in hell in every sense of the world. Meanwhile, The Hague and the Security Council continue to debate whether or not to stop the war within the framework of assessing the implementation of preliminary measures aimed at halting the genocidal war, although the Netanyahu government's failure to comply with the International Court of Justice's (ICJ's) orders warrants swift response. Moreover, Arab countries should not act as mediators, but should stand with Palestinian's rights and against the genocidal war and the liquidation of the Palestinian cause.

Based on the foregoing, there is a heated race between reaching a prisoner swap deal or deals and the continuation of the war. This matter will be decided in the coming days or at most the coming weeks.

The Palestinian cause stands at a crossroad. We may witness a crucial stage on the path to its liquidation if the Israeli objectives for the war and its aftermath are achieved. This is the most dangerous scenario, but it will not be the end; rather it will mark the start of a new wave of resistance, as it always has since the inception of what became known as the Palestinian cause. Or, we may witness the beginning of the revival and salvation of the Palestinian cause with its return to the global forefront and its recognition as a just cause pertaining to the rights of a people under occupation to self-determination and to struggle for freedom, the refugees' return, and independence. This can be achieved by developing a comprehensive vision, joint strategies, and unified leadership for the national collective, or for all who agree to a national program that embodies common denominators with the central goal of ending the occupation, achieving independence and freedom, and establishing a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders with Jerusalem as its capital, by sowing the seeds through comprehensive resistance and reaping the fruits through negotiations and politics.

It is possible to combine comprehensive resistance for liberation and independence with the struggle for public and individual rights, which cannot wait until the end of the occupation and the achievement of national independence and the objectives and rights established by international law and UN resolutions. There is no inconsistency between fighting for political, legal, and historical rights based on the historical narrative and the united cause, land, people, and destiny, and the fighting to secure the maximum possible achievements at this stage or any other on the road to embodying a radical democratic solution that achieves justice and equality for every individual, man, and woman side by side, regardless of color, religion, opinion, creed, or ethnicity.

National salvation cannot be achieved by taking further divisive steps, such as a singular party forming a government under any name based on eroded legitimacy and the U.S.'s regional designs. This will only deepen and perpetuate the split. Rather, salvation lies in forming a government through national consensus until general legislative, presidential, and national council elections can be held, whether it is a national unity government or a government of technocrats, under the PLO's auspices.

"The PLO, in turn, should represent the entire political and social spectrum, including Hamas and Islamic Jihad, and ensure pluralism and competition within the framework of unity, so as to serve as the legitimate and sole representative of the Palestinian people in word and deed," concludes Masri.